Father Roy writes:
Please allow your thinking, like mine, to be well-advised. In the article pasted below we find words of sheer Prophesy.
Please bear in mind that there is all the difference in the world between Prophesy and Superstition. A Prophet is a man or a woman who somehow perceives the truth … the objective truth … God’s own truth … and proceeds to articulate the truth for others to hear. A person is misled if he/she thinks in terms of crystal balls and clairvoyance exclusively.
When we really think about it, Peers, we begin to realize that there are a large and growing number of contemporary prophets among us today. See this video for confirmation: Uri (03:30). God has not left us comfortless. Do some reading at: Wallwritings. The highlights in the article pasted below are mine.
Jordan calls for more int’l efforts to resolve Palestinian-Israeli conflict
1 February 2012, 12:37 (GMT+04:00)
King Abdullah II of Jordan on Tuesday called for intensified efforts by the international community to find a just solution to the Palestinian issue, the state-run Xinhua reported.
The Jordanian leader, who stressed that the Palestinian issue represents the core of conflicts in the Middle East, called for more efforts to create a suitable environment that enables the resumption of peace talks between the Palestinians and Israel.
Abdullah II made his remarks at a meeting Tuesday with UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon in Amman.
The king stressed that Jordan supports the resumption of peace talks that will address all final status issues and lead to the creation of an independent Palestinian state at the borders of 1967.
Ban voiced appreciation of the king’s efforts to make peace in the Middle East, stressing the importance of supporting the rights of the Palestinians in freedom and justice.
Also on Tuesday, Jordanian Prime Minister Awn Khasawneh met with the UN chief and stressed the need for pushing the peace process forward.
The premier, who called on the international community to shoulder its historic responsibility in resolving the decades-long Palestinian-Israeli conflict, urged the United Nations to continue to condemn the Israeli settlement activities that he labeled as illegal.
The review here is from the author himself.
It looks like a fascinating work and is certainly a piece of serious scholarship.
Globalized Palestine The National Sell-Out of a Homeland
By Khalil Nakhleh
The Red Sea Press, Inc., 2012; 286 pages
An introductory comment
I started working full time on the initial draft of this book, in English, about three years ago. While I was seeking a publisher for the English edition, I was determined to have it appear in Arabic first, and in Palestine, because I sought for it to generate national public discourse on our transformation and future, as a people struggling for freedom and emancipation. Indeed, the Arabic edition was published in Ramallah in May 2011. It must be mentioned with appreciation that the translation into Arabic, the publication, and the distribution to public libraries in historical Palestine were possible because of the support of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, and the total commitment and determination of its Ramallah staff.
Over a span of twenty-five years, or since I stopped being engaged in teaching and research as an academic anthropologist, and shifted to becoming an “applied” anthropologist, or working in the field of so-called “development,” I became preoccupied with how to transform Palestinian society and people – my society and people – from an occupied, colonised, and fragmented society towards a liberated, productive, free, and self-generating society, not dependent on external financial aid. It was, and continues to be, a deeply reflective, agonising, and personal process of thought, analysis, and action, in which I was engaged as a genuine “participant observer,” through which I was aspiring to see at the end of the tunnel a society with a tightly knit social fabric empowered by coherent political, economic, and liberating human values that would rise against colonialism, oppression, and despotism. This book is, in a certain sense, a partial end result of this reflective and analytic process.
Through an introduction and four chapters, and by relying on a micro-analytic approach, benefiting from my personal experience as an engaged participant- observer, the book challenges and criticises the various fragmented, non-cumulative, deceptive, and mythological attempts to “develop” Palestinian society over the span of the last thirty years. It is a study of Palestinian “development”: the development of the people, the society, and the political-economic system. It is about how truncated, distorted, and mythological the official claim of Palestinian “development” is and has become. Basically, it is about the role of an informal tri-partite coalition of Palestinian capitalists-political elite, Palestinian “developmental” NGOs, and transnational “aid” agencies in impeding, obstructing, and negating what I call, “People-Centered Liberationist Development” (PCLD). As argued throughout this work, PCLD is inherently a process of social and political self-determination and liberation; and, as such, it aims primarily at resisting and ending foreign occupation, colonialism, and hegemony, as well as internally perpetuated apartheid, be it political, economic, or social.
I claim throughout this book that there is an inherent incongruence between Palestinian absolute dependence on Western transnational aid and the Palestinian official expectation that financial aid, whose primary source emanates from Western governments and/or agencies, is the avenue to developing and emancipating Palestinian people and society from the poverty and pauperisation created by the colonial system of occupation, and is supported and sustained by these same sources. I assert that aid advanced to Palestine under prolonged occupation and colonialism is political aid par excellence, advanced to my people, specifically to acquiesce and submit to an imposed political agenda and programme. Such aid shackles, mortgages, and holds hostage the entire current society and future generations in political and economic debt. It is aid that focuses on consumption and mortgaging people. It is aid that is anti-production and anti-liberation.
Although this book is about Palestine, it is not exclusively so. It is also about the important lessons that we can learn from South Africa since 1994, when apartheid was transformed into a social category of control, oppression, and a system of exploitation by the people’s own indigenous self-proclaimed leadership. It is also about Latin America and about many other struggling peoples, in whom the current Palestinian struggle is embedded, and cannot be but embedded, thanks to the global process of colonisation and emerging re-colonisation.
Since Palestine is still effectively under the hold of Zionist settler colonialism, I benefitted from carefully re-reading and reviewing the work of Frantz Fanon about colonised countries in Africa, and countries where colonisation was formally terminated, but where developments strike an eerie resemblance to twenty-first- century Palestine. From this vantage point, the current analysis cannot be only an analysis of Palestine today; it is an analysis of a wider scope: how the “political economy of the oppressed,” or the “political economy of the occupied,” may look in the globalised twenty-first century.
I am sounding serious “alarm bells” for what may happen to us – the Palestinian people and society – if we persist on this path of zealous acquiescence to neoliberal agendas imposed on us by the United State, Israel, Western transnational aid agencies, and corporate finance. In this book, I call clearly and openly for strategic counter “re-engineering” measures that span our perceived collective national consciousness, our prevalent political environment since Oslo, our prevalent economic investment environment, and the abusive role of Palestinian capitalists to maximise their profits. I advocate a need for a determined and purposeful “re- engineering” of the prevalent environment of the tyranny of transnational aid agencies, and the function of such aid, as well as a conscious effort at “re- engineering” the prevalent social, cultural, and normative environment.
I don’t claim to offer magical recipes for our collective emancipation. I claim that together we can and should be able to harness our collective creative indigenous energies if we’re determined to liberate ourselves. I hope that this book will be helpful towards this end.
Khalil Nakhleh is a Palestinian anthropologist from Galilee who has been residing in this part of the homeland for the last 19 years.
The following press-release was issued by Israeli peace group, Gush-Shalom (Hebrew for ‘Peace Block’).
Urgent appeal – please write to Israel’s Defense Minister Ehud Barak, by fax and email, and either use the sample letter in the end or make your own. Why it is needed, you find in the following press release.
Press Release January 30, 2012
Occupation rule’s cynical game with the small village of Aqaba. Brigadier General Almaz makes a personal visit, promising to "look into the complaints"
Then, his representative issues 25 demolition orders – in a village consisting of 45 houses in all
In a letter to Defense Minister Ehud Barak, Gush Shalom warns of a cynical game played by the occupation rule in the small village of Aqaba, the east of Jenin, which is over many years the target of repeated raids by the Military Government’s Civil Administration, destroying houses and basic infrastructure. "A month ago they were here last time," Mayor Haj Sami Sadeq told Gush Shalom. "They destroyed our access road, which we call ‘The Peace Road’ and demolished several houses. When the children who had been thrown out of their homes were crying, the soldiers posed for souvenir photos on the bulldozer, smiling and laughing".
In recent years, there was some interest in the village of Aqaba on the international scene, when an American human rights group called "The Rebuilding Alliance" raised the issue in meetings with Representatives and Senators and invited the village’s mayor to a lecture tour in the United States. Following this international interest in the issue, the Civil Administration head Brigadier General Motti Almaz, made an unprecedented personal visit to the village.
I "He sat with me at the local council offices. I told him: ‘You’re destroying our homes and we build them again. What else can we do? This is our village, we have nowhere else to go. I told him that in our village there had never been clashes with the army, neither in the First Intifada nor in the Second one. For years the army carried out training with live ammunition among the village houses, villagers were killed and wounded. I personally, the mayor, was hit at a young age and remain in a wheelchair for life, and yet I feel no bitterness or hatred. I support peace. I just ask that they live us alone. I asked Almaz to approve a zoning plan for our village so that we can build legally. I asked him to allow us to rebuild the access road to the village – with our own money and labor, just that they don’t destroy it. I asked him to let us build a school on 42 dunums of state land which are in the middle of the village and which we can’t use. To allow us to be linked to the water pipe, so that we will no longer need to fetch water by tankers, at twenty Shekels per cubic meter. I told him that ten years ago, the electricity pylons at the entrance to the village were pulled down, and in 1999 Knesset Members wrote to Defence Minster Ehud Barak and he gave instructions not to touch our electricity – but still, two months ago they came and again pulled down twenty pylons. I put all problems and issues to Brigadier General Almaz, and for everything I said he answered ‘We will look into it’, ‘We will take care of it’. And he went off.
What happened next? A few days later there arrived in our village the local representative of the Civil Administration, a man named Yigal (he does not tell his family name) and started handing out demolition orders. Demolition orders for houses, for cattle sheds, even for the tabun bread ovens. Seventeen demolition orders in total. And he told us, this whole village is illegal, everything must be destroyed. Is this the ‘looking into it’ which the Civil Administration Head promised us? Then the Head of the Jenin Area Civil Administration, located at the Salem Chekpoint, came to our village. I asked him ‘Why did you send us Yigal with the demolition orders?’ And he said: ‘No, I did not sent him, this did not come from me’. And then. after another few days Yigal came back with another eight demolition orders. Demolition orders also for our kindergarten and clinic. A total of 25 demolition orders for a village which consists of 45 houses in all. So what am I to do now? What can I tell villagers who ask me ‘You are talking about peace. Where is your peace?’ "
Adam Keller, Gush Shalom spokesperson, wrote to Defense Minister Barak: "There are two ways of interpreting this, one of them bad and the other even worse. Either the Civil Administration plays a cynical game of ‘Good Cop, Bad Cop’, or in truth the Civil Administration Head does not control the people who are supposed to be under his command, and they run their own independent policy. In both cases, this abomination must be stopped. The residents of Aqaba should have the right to live safely and in dignity at their homes and in their village."
Meir Margalit, Israeli Committee against House Demolitions +972-54-4345503
This letter has been penned by Jamal Daoud – a Palestinian refugee, a tireless human rights advocate, and a good man.
Dear Hon Kevin Rudd, Minister for Foreign Affairs
What prompted me to write this letter to you are your irresponsible comments in the last few days about issues important for the whole world.
In the last few days you were quoted first supporting the USA measures to isolate Iran and enforce more draconian measures of economical blockade and ban on oil exports.
Then yesterday you were quoted supporting USA and its allies in demanding international intervention in Syria and demanding President Assad to resign.
We would like to condemn your stances on both issues which are designed to initiate new military conflicts in the Middle East.
Let me explain to you the reasons behind our condemnation of your stance.
In the question of Iran, you think that such harsh embargo and sanctions are acceptable because of claims of Iranian military nuclear program. You and your government did not give us any explanation why you and your Western allies are very silent on the Israeli aggressive military nuclear program.
Where Iranian program is so far peaceful according to the latest report by IAEA, the Israeli military nuclear program is alive and running for the last few decades. We, as Australians, need to hear the reasons behind your clear hypocrisy on this issue. And we know that you will tell us that Iran is so different from Israel. And we believe so, too.
Iran so far did not invade, occupy and ethnically cleanse any of its neighboring countries and nations. Israel did all these. It occupies Palestine, parts of Lebanon, Syria and Jordan. It ethnically cleansed the indigenous people of Palestine, where the majority now are living as refugees, inside their country or in other countries. I and all my family were among those ethnically cleansed during the 1948 war.
On the question of Syria, we are sure that your comments came as you did not read the latest report of Arab observers sent to Syria a month ago. The observers noticed very clearly that the majority of crimes were conducted by armed militia financed and supported by foreign powers. You chose to follow blindly the stance of USA government, which is one of the foreign powers that are financing and supporting the armed militia’s activities against the Syrian civilians and armed forces.
You were quoted calling on president Assad of Syria to step down and give power to the opposition. We do not know if you are aware about the extreme risk of such move.
But we are very sure that President Assad will not listen to failed politician like you. If you cannot convince your failed leader to step down and hand the power back to you after she failed to manage this country, how would you convince president of independent foreign power to do so?
In this letter we want to convey to you a simple message: not in our name. Your participation of beating the war drums against Syria and Iran would not be supported by the majority of Australians. We also believe that the Australian participation in any future war in the Middle East will be major mistake that will destabilize the whole region, if not the whole world. We watched with deep concern the tensed debate in the UN Security Council meeting about the proposed military intervention in Syria. And we believe that invading Syria or Iran will not be without a lot of blood and very wide destruction.
We thought that Australian government under Labor-Greens should have been totally different (and less regressive) than a government under extreme Liberal-Nationals. Your comments in the last few days gave us deep suspicions about this.
The next election is not too far and we believe that peace-loving Australians will send your government a decisive tough message.
Thanks and I hope that you can find time to give us some convincing answers to our arguments and suspicions.
Spokesperson, Social Justice Network
This news has come from my dear friend, Father Labib of San Francisco. It is good to see the church attempting to broker peace.
VATICAN CITY, JAN. 30, 2012 (Zenit.org…).- The Vatican is continuing its diplomatic efforts with representatives both of Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization.
On Friday, a Vatican communiqué reported on a meeting between Holy See and Israeli representatives. And today, a communiqué noted a meeting with Vatican officials and representatives of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO).
The Friday note reported that the Bilateral Permanent Working Commission between the Holy See and the State of Israel held its plenary session at the Israeli ministry of foreign affairs last Thursday, to carry on negotiations related to the Fundamental Agreement, article 10 paragraph 2, dealing with economic and fiscal matters.
Present at the meeting was Monsignor Ettore Balestrero, under-secretary for Relations with States, and Daniel Ayalon, Israeli deputy minister for foreign affairs. The statement said that “the negotiations took place in an open, friendly and constructive atmosphere. Substantive progress was made on issues of significance.”
The parties agreed on the next steps toward the conclusion of the Agreement, and to hold their next plenary meeting June 11 in the Vatican.
Then, today, a joint communiqué following a bilateral meeting between the Holy See and the Palestine Liberation Organization was released. The Saturday encounter was co-chaired by Monsignor Balestrero and Minister Ziad Al-Bandak, the Palestinian President’s advisor for Christian relations.
“The Palestinian side handed to the Holy See delegation the response to the draft agreement proposed by the Holy See in the previous meeting, and the talks took place in a positive atmosphere to strengthen further the special relations between the two sides,” the statement said.
They also agreed to set up technical teams to follow up on the draft, in preparation of the plenary session in the Vatican in the near future.
The Holy See delegation was composed of Archbishop Antonio Franco, apostolic delegate to Jerusalem and Palestine; Monsignor Maurizio Malvestiti, under-secretary of the Congregation for Eastern Churches; Monsignor Alberto Ortega, official of the Vatican’s Secretariat of the State, and Monsignor Waldemar Stanislaw Sommertag, counsellor of the apostolic delegation in Jerusalem.
For the Palestinians those present at the meeting were: Dr. Nabil Shaath, member of the Fatah Central Committee; Dr. Bernard Sabella, member of the Palestinian Legislative Council; Mr. Issa Kassissieh, deputy head of the PLO’s Negotiations Affairs Department, and Mr. Wassim Khazmo, policy advisor at the PLO’s Negotiations Support Unit.
In 2000 a “Basic Agreement” was formulated between the Holy See and the PLO. It covered matters such as freedom of religion, human rights, freedom of Church institutions and their legal, economic and fiscal status in Palestinian-ruled areas. The Agreement soon ran into difficulty because of the Intifada that followed soon after.