Israel and the United Statesby Jonathan Kuttab

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Activists for Palestinian rights have often stated that Israeli practices and policies largely depend on massive, uncritical support by the United States as Israel carries out nefarious activities amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity. The United States has not only provided financial and military support, but most importantly, it has provided political cover and consistently used its influence at the United Nations and other international arenas to give Israel legitimacy, supply it with immunity, and shield it from prosecution before international bodies.  This had been the case under previous administrations. Yet, there was always the feeling that, despite consistent public support, the United States carried out some subtle, behind the scenes pressure to ameliorate or control some of the more extreme actions and policies of the State of Israel. In fact, Israeli liberals often warned that certain extremist positions or activities could risk endangering US support. In that sense, the US formed a subtle but constant restraint on Israeli extremism. Israeli liberal Zionists often pleaded with the US administration to be more forthcoming in exercising such restraining power against extremists in their own government. Under the present administration, however, Israel feels it has a green light to carry out whatever actions it chooses against the Palestinians without any danger of being held accountable. Even programs of blatant ethnic cleansing, which they did not dare to articulate before, are now openly discussed as “Trump’s plan of voluntary transfer.” Within Israel itself, there is now little pretense of democracy or freedom of speech. Not only among Palestinian Arabs, liberal Jews are facing criminal prosecution for even mild expressions of opposition to the war or sympathy with innocent Palestinian civilians. Symbols of Palestinian nationalism, including the flag, keffiyehs, watermelons, and positive references to Gaza or of its suffering lead to dismissals from jobs and educational institutions, as well as police interrogations and criminal prosecution. AI programmes scrutinize telephone conversations and social media posts to detect any so-called “support for terrorism.” Not only Netanyahu, but even Ben Gvir and Smotrich, who were not even welcome in Washington previously, now seem to be welcome guests. Billionaire funders like Miriam Adelson now seem to have ready access to Trump, not only with respect to appointments and policies in the Middle East, but also on policies pertaining to Palestinian advocacy in the United States itself. A process that, to be fair, started under the previous administration now seems to be in full swing in the United States. Somehow the very undemocratic and authoritarian actions required to stifle Palestinian advocacy seem to fit neatly into Trump’s own authoritarian tendencies and his desires to suppress the press, the universities, and liberal institutions in the United States. Under the guise of “fighting antisemitism” and “making Jewish students feel safe,” the administration has launched a major campaign to pressure US universities and colleges to prohibit and restrict anti-Zionist protests and activism. Organizations like Students for Justice in Palestine and even Jewish Voice for Peace are being banned, and campus protests and demonstrations are severely restricted. Entire Middle East Studies departments and programs are being heavily scrutinized or cancelled entirely, and even tenured professors are being removed. Not only donors, but federal grants are weaponized to achieve this purpose. Students, especially those on student visas, are having their visas summarily revoked and being deported with no regard for academic freedom or First Amendment rights. It takes little imagination to see how these measures and restrictions, now being applied to Palestinian activism, will soon be used on other issues, from race and inclusivity (in the form of fighting “DEI wokism”) to environmental concerns, anti-war activism, or any challenge to administration policies or anti-MAGA positions. Beyond colleges and universities, another front in the battle concerns immigrants and foreigners more broadly. Again, Palestinians and Palestinian activism are the litmus test, the canary in the mine, but the effect will be felt in other sectors as well. The prevailing mood is that immigrants and permanent residents, somehow, are not protected by the First Amendment or the US Constitution at all and can be deported for expressing views “contrary to US policies or interests.” This anti-democratic sentiment will not be limited to Palestinian activism. There is a real fear that it will be used also against naturalized citizens, even citizens born in this country. Just as Japanese citizens were herded into concentration camps during WWII, the current atmosphere threatens to bring back those times. For the first time in my experience, visitors to Palestine are now worried about what happens not just at Tel Aviv Airport or the Allenby Bridge, but also about what they will face upon returning to the United States. They are concerned about what they may have in their possession or on their phones and computers that could be seen as Palestinian activism, or even sympathy!! NGOs are worried that their political positions may bring them under IRS scrutiny, that their completely legal activities in the US are being monitored and may result in troublesome and costly legal problems as they defend their freedoms. Many of my friends are now reluctant to express themselves on social media for fear of the consequences. The chilling effect on their rights is palpable. Egyptian comedian Bassem Yousef said that he had left his country for fear of what might happen to him for opposing its policies, but now he feels in this country that he might be in trouble for opposing the policies of a foreign state (Israel) while he is in his new homeland in what he believed is a free and democratic United States. It is a sobering but important reminder to all of us not to take our freedoms and liberties for granted. These are difficult times, but thanks to the cause of Palestinian freedom, we now know that freedom is indivisible, and, as Mandela said, “We know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.” We must work for freedom, to support Palestine and Palestinians, but also because our own freedom and liberty is at stake as well.

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